🎓 Class 11Social ScienceCBSETheoryCh 7 — Federalism⏱ ~28 min
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Class 11 · Political Science · Indian Constitution at Work
Chapter 7 · Federalism — Part 3: Special Provisions, Conflicts & Exercises
Indian federalism is not the same for every State. Many States receive differential treatment for historical, social or geographical reasons — the North-East under Article 371, the Sixth Schedule for tribal areas, and the special status that Jammu and Kashmir enjoyed under Article 370 until 2019. Politics adds another layer: the controversial role of Governors, the much-debated use of Article 356 for President's Rule, and the recommendations of the Sarkaria Commission (1983) and Punchhi Commission (2007). After the 1990s, India entered an era of coalition politics — a more mature federalism. This part closes with all NCERT exercises answered, a chapter summary and the key terms.
7.17 Special Provisions — Asymmetric Federalism
The most extra-ordinary feature of the federal arrangement created in India is that many States get a differential treatment. We have already noted that the size and population of each State being different, an asymmetrical representation is provided in the Rajya Sabha. While ensuring minimum representation to each of the smaller States, this arrangement also ensures that larger States get more representation. In the case of division of powers, too, the Constitution provides a division of powers that is common to all the States. And yet, the Constitution carries some special provisions for some States given their peculiar social and historical circumstances. Most of these provisions pertain to the North Eastern States — Assam, Nagaland, Arunachal Pradesh, Mizoram, etc. — largely due to their sizeable indigenous tribal population with a distinct history and culture. Special provisions also exist for hilly States like Himachal Pradesh and other States like Andhra Pradesh, Goa, Gujarat, Maharashtra, Sikkim and Telangana.
📖 Why differential treatment?
Asymmetric federalism is not favouritism — it is constitutional sensitivity. A one-size-fits-all formula could never accommodate the tribal customary laws of Nagaland, the small population of Mizoram, the strategic location of Sikkim, or the historical autonomy promised to Jammu and Kashmir. Article 371 and its sub-articles (371A through 371J) do precisely this fine-tuning.
7.17.1 Article 371 — Special Provisions for the North-East and Other States
Article 371 contains special provisions in the form of sub-articles for several States. The relevant sub-clauses are listed in the table below.
Selected sub-articles of Article 371
Provision
State
What it does
Article 371A
Nagaland
Customary laws and procedures of the Nagas, including ownership of land and resources, are protected; no Act of Parliament on these subjects applies unless the Naga Legislative Assembly so decides.
Article 371B
Assam
Special arrangement for the tribal areas of Assam.
Article 371C
Manipur
Special responsibility of the Governor for the hill areas of Manipur.
Article 371F
Sikkim
Continuation of pre-merger laws, distinct land rights, and a special seat in Parliament after Sikkim joined the Union in 1975.
Article 371G
Mizoram
Like Nagaland, customary law, social practices, and ownership of land are protected; Parliamentary Acts apply only with State assent.
Article 371H
Arunachal Pradesh
Special responsibility of the Governor for law and order.
7.17.2 Scheduled Areas and the Sixth Schedule
For tribal-majority districts in Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram, the Sixth Schedule creates Autonomous District Councils and Regional Councils with their own legislative, executive and judicial powers over land, forest, marriage, social customs and the management of resources. Similarly, the Fifth Schedule creates Scheduled Areas in other States with significant tribal populations and protects their land rights. The opening NCERT exercise refers to the Sixth Schedule status given to the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council in West Bengal — a contemporary example of how this provision is used to extend autonomy to a sub-State region.
7.18 The Story of Jammu and Kashmir — Article 370 and Its Abrogation
The other State that had a special status was Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) under Article 370?. J&K was one of the large princely states that had the option of joining India or Pakistan or remaining independent. However, immediately after independence, in October 1947, Pakistan sent tribal infiltrators from its side to capture Kashmir. This forced Maharaja Hari Singh to ask for Indian help and accede to the Indian Union by signing the Instrument of Accession.
Many of the Muslim-majority areas in the Western and Eastern parts (which became West and East Pakistan) joined Pakistan, but J&K was an exception. Under these circumstances, J&K was given much greater autonomy by the Constitution. According to Article 370, the concurrence of the State was required for making any laws on matters mentioned in the Union and Concurrent Lists. This was different from the position of other States. In the case of other States, the division of powers as listed through three Lists automatically applied. In the case of J&K, the central government had only limited powers; other powers listed in the Union List and Concurrent List could be used only with the consent of the State government. This gave greater autonomy to J&K.
📜 Article 370 — What it Provided (until 2019)
The Parliament's power to make laws on subjects in the Union List for J&K required the State's concurrence.
J&K had its own separate constitution and a State flag.
An emergency due to internal disturbances could not be declared in J&K without the concurrence of the State.
The Union government could not impose a financial emergency in the State.
The Directive Principles did not automatically apply in J&K.
Amendments to the Indian Constitution under Article 368 could apply only with the concurrence of the State government.
Earlier, there was a constitutional provision that allowed the President, with the concurrence of the State government, to specify which parts of the Union List should apply to the State. The President had issued two Constitutional Orders in concurrence with the government of J&K, making large parts of the Constitution applicable to the State. As a result, though J&K had a separate constitution and a flag, Parliament's power to make laws on subjects in the Union List was fully accepted.
7.18.1 Reorganisation of 2019
At present, the special status given under Article 370 no longer exists. By the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Act, 2019, the State has been bifurcated into two Union Territories — (i) Jammu and Kashmir (with a Legislative Assembly) and (ii) Ladakh (without a Legislative Assembly). The new arrangement came into effect from 31 October 2019.
India's political map has been redrawn many times since 1947 — reflecting the linguistic reorganisation of 1956, the creation of Northeast States, the 2000 trifurcation, the 2014 birth of Telangana, and the 2019 reorganisation of J&K.
7.19 Conflicts in India's Federal System
The Constitution recognises the separate identity of the regions and yet gives more powers to the centre. Once the principle of identity of the State is accepted, it is quite natural that the States would expect a greater role and powers in the governance of the State and the country as a whole. From time to time, States have demanded greater autonomy. While the legal disputes between the centre and the States can be resolved by the judiciary, demands for autonomy are political in nature and need to be resolved through negotiations.
7.19.1 Centre–State Relations Across Three Eras
Three phases of centre–State relations in India
Phase
Period
Character
1. Foundation
1950s and early 1960s, under Jawaharlal Nehru
Congress dominated centre and States; relations were quite normal except for the formation of new States. States were hopeful about grants and central planning.
2. Strain
Mid-1960s onwards
Congress dominance declined; opposition parties formed governments in many States. They protested against unnecessary central interference. The autonomy debate intensified.
3. Coalition era and mature federalism
1990s onwards
End of one-party dominance; coalition politics; both national and regional parties in power. Greater say for States, respect for diversity, the beginnings of a more mature federalism.
7.19.2 Demands for Autonomy — Four Strands
From time to time, many States and political parties have demanded that States should have more autonomy vis-à-vis the central government. However, ‘autonomy’ means different things for different States and parties. Four strands recur in the Indian autonomy debate.
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1. Constitutional autonomy
Demand to redistribute powers in favour of States; transfer key powers to the State List. Voiced by Tamil Nadu, Punjab, West Bengal; parties: DMK, Akali Dal, CPI(M).
💰
2. Financial autonomy
Independent sources of revenue and greater control over resources. The 1977 West Bengal document on restructuring centre–State relations is the classic example.
💼
3. Administrative autonomy
States resent the control of the centre over the administrative machinery, especially the All-India Services and the Governor's office.
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4. Cultural and linguistic autonomy
Opposition to the imposition of Hindi (Tamil Nadu, 1960s); demands to advance Punjabi language and culture; resistance to Hindi-belt domination.
DISCUSS — Autonomy vs Secession
Bloom: L4 Analyse
NCERT asks: what is the difference between autonomy and secession?
Autonomy is a demand for more powers within the federation.
Secession is a demand to leave the federation altogether.
Autonomy keeps the country together while addressing real grievances; secession breaks it apart.
✅ Pointers
Autonomy is constitutionally legitimate; secession is not. India's federal system has consistently used negotiation and re-organisation (e.g. linguistic States, Article 371 sub-clauses, the Sixth Schedule) to absorb autonomy demands — the very feature that has helped India stay united while the USSR, Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia split.
7.20 Role of Governors and President's Rule
The role of Governors has always been a controversial issue between the States and the central government. The Governor is not an elected office-holder. Many Governors have been retired military officers, civil servants or politicians. The Governor is appointed by the central government, and therefore, actions of the Governor are often viewed as interference by the central government in the functioning of the State government. When two different parties are in power at the centre and the State, the role of the Governor becomes even more controversial.
📜 Sarkaria Commission — 1983 (Report 1988)
The Sarkaria Commission was appointed by the central government in 1983 (it submitted its report in 1988) to examine the issues relating to centre–State relations. It recommended that appointments of Governors should be strictly non-partisan. The Commission also recommended that Article 356 should be used very sparingly, only in extreme cases of constitutional breakdown, and as a measure of last resort after all alternatives had been explored.
7.20.1 Article 356 — The Most Controversial Provision
One of the most controversial articles in the Constitution is Article 356, which provides for President's Rule? in any State. This provision applies when “a situation has arisen in which the Government of the State cannot be carried on in accordance with the provisions of this Constitution.” It results in the takeover of the State government by the Union government. The President's proclamation has to be ratified by Parliament. President's Rule can be extended for up to three years. The Governor has the power to recommend the dismissal of the State government and the suspension or dissolution of the State Assembly.
This has led to many conflicts. In some cases, State governments were dismissed even when they had a majority in the legislature, as happened in Kerala in 1959, or without testing their majority, as happened in several other States after 1967. Some cases went to the Supreme Court, and the Court has ruled that the constitutional validity of the decision to impose President's Rule can be examined by the judiciary — the most famous ruling being the S. R. Bommai v. Union of India case of 1994.
⚠ Misuse of Article 356
Article 356 was used very sparingly until 1967. After 1967, many States had non-Congress governments while the Congress was in power at the centre. The centre has often used Article 356 to dismiss State governments or has used the office of the Governor to prevent the majority party or coalition from assuming office — for instance, the central government removed elected governments in Andhra Pradesh and Jammu and Kashmir during the 1980s.
7.20.2 Punchhi Commission — 2007
The Punchhi Commission was constituted in 2007 (chaired by former Chief Justice M. M. Punchhi) to review the working of centre–State relations in the changed circumstances of coalition politics, liberalisation of the economy, and growing demands for autonomy. Its report (2010) recommended:
fixed tenure of five years for Governors and removal only for proven misconduct on a clear procedure;
local emergency — allow President's Rule in a part of a State rather than the whole State, where suitable;
constitutional amendments to clarify residuary taxation matters;
establishment of a permanent Inter-State Trade and Commerce Commission;
reactivation of the Inter-State Council under Article 263 to be used as a regular forum for dialogue.
7.21 Demands for New States and Inter-State Conflicts
The other dimension of tension in our federal system has been the demand to create new States. The national movement not only created a pan-Indian national unity, it also generated distinct unities around a common language, region and culture. Therefore, in the course of the national movement itself, it was decided that as far as possible, States would be created on the basis of common cultural and linguistic identity.
This led to the demand for the creation of linguistic States after Independence. In December 1953, the States Reorganisation Commission was set up; it recommended the creation of linguistic States, at least for major linguistic groups. In 1956, reorganisation of some States took place — the beginning of the creation of linguistic States. Gujarat and Maharashtra were created in 1960; Punjab and Haryana were separated from each other in 1966. Later, the North-Eastern region was reorganised and new States like Manipur, Tripura, Meghalaya, Mizoram and Arunachal Pradesh were created. In 2000, three larger States were divided to create three new States — Chhattisgarh (from MP), Uttarakhand (from UP) and Jharkhand (from Bihar). In 2014, the State of Telangana was formed by dividing Andhra Pradesh. Some regions and linguistic groups are still struggling for separate Statehood — Vidarbha in Maharashtra is a current example.
7.21.1 Inter-State Disputes
While the States keep fighting with the centre over autonomy and other issues like the share in revenue resources, there have been many instances of disputes between two States or among more than two States. Broadly, two types of disputes keep recurring — border disputes and river-water disputes.
🗺 Border disputes
Maharashtra–Karnataka over the city of Belgaum
Manipur–Nagaland long-standing boundary dispute
Punjab–Haryana over Chandigarh (1985 understanding under PM Rajiv Gandhi)
💧 River-water disputes
Cauvery — Tamil Nadu and Karnataka
Narmada — Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra
Settled by river-water tribunals; the Cauvery dispute has reached the Supreme Court
📖 Why river-water disputes are more serious
Border disputes are more about sentiment. The disputes over the sharing of river waters are even more serious because they relate to drinking water and agriculture in the concerned States. Rivers are a major resource and therefore disputes over river waters test the patience and cooperative spirit of the States. The Constitution provides for tribunals to settle such disputes; many cases have reached the Supreme Court.
7.22 Federalism in the Changing Political Landscape
Finally, since the 1990s, Congress dominance has largely ended and India has entered an era of coalition politics — especially at the centre. In the States too, different parties — both national and regional — have come to power. This has resulted in a greater say for the States, respect for diversity, and the beginning of a more mature federalism. It is in this second phase that the issue of autonomy became politically potent.
📜 NCERT Conclusion
Federalism is like a rainbow, where each colour is separate, yet together they make a harmonious pattern. Federalism has to continuously maintain a difficult balance between the centre and the States. No legal or institutional formula can guarantee the smooth functioning of a federal polity. Ultimately, the people and the political process must develop a culture and a set of values and virtues like mutual trust, toleration and a spirit of cooperation. Federalism celebrates both unity as well as diversity. National unity cannot be built by streamlining differences. A responsive polity sensitive to diversities and to the demands for autonomy can alone be the basis of a cooperative federation.
— NCERT, Indian Constitution at Work, Chapter 7: Federalism
7.23 NCERT Exercises — Full Model Answers
Exercise 1 — Identify federalism events
Q1. From the list of events given in the textbook, which ones would you identify with the functioning of federalism? Why?
Federalism events:
Sixth Schedule status to Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council — Yes, this is federalism. A tripartite agreement among the Union, State (West Bengal) and a regional group extends sub-State autonomy.
Centre seeks plans from rain-hit States for relief — Yes. Centre–State financial cooperation in disaster relief is a fiscal-federalism event.
CU status for Manipur University — Yes. Conversion to a Central University reflects centre–State coordination on higher education (a Concurrent List subject) and special concern for the North-East.
Funds released to Arunachal Pradesh under rural water supply scheme — Yes. Centre-to-State transfers under a centrally sponsored scheme are a fiscal-federalism event.
Demand to dismiss DAN government in Nagaland — Yes. The proposal involves Article 356 / role of Governor — a textbook centre–State conflict.
New Commissioner for Delhi (MCD) — Not centre–State federalism; this is an internal local-government appointment.
Shiv Sena threatening non-Maharashtrian students — Not federalism in the constitutional sense; this is a law-and-order/regional chauvinism issue.
Bihar government's appeal to naxalites — Not directly a federalism issue; it is a State-government internal policy on law and order.
Reasoning: Items that involve the constitutional architecture of centre–State relations — sharing money, powers, autonomy, special status or use of Article 356 — count as federalism events. Pure intra-State issues do not.
Exercise 2 — Statements on federalism
Q2. Think which of the following statements would be correct. State why.
(a) Federalism enhances the possibility of people from different regions to interact without the fear of one's culture being imposed upon them by others. — Correct. Federalism recognises regional identities and gives them constitutional protection, reducing the fear of imposed homogenisation. Article 371 sub-clauses for the North-East and the Sixth Schedule for tribal areas are examples.
(b) Federal system will hinder easier economic transaction between two different regions that have distinct types of resources. — Incorrect. Indian federalism, with a single market, GST under Article 279A and inter-State trade under Article 301, actively facilitates economic transactions across regions.
(c) A federal system will ensure that the powers of those at the centre will remain limited. — Partially correct, but more nuanced. A federation by definition limits the centre to its enumerated powers. But Indian federalism is ‘federalism with a strong centre’ — the centre's powers are large in normal times and even larger during emergencies. The limit is constitutional, not necessarily political.
Exercise 3 — Belgian Constitution and Article for India
Q3. Based on the first few articles of the Belgian Constitution, explain how federalism is visualised in that country. Try and write a similar Article for the Constitution of India.
Belgian visualisation: Belgium organises federalism through three structures — (i) communities based on language and culture (French, Flemish, German), (ii) regions based on territory (Walloon, Flemish, Brussels), and (iii) linguistic regions. Communities deal with culture, education and language; regions deal with territorial governance.
A similar ‘Article 1’ for India: “Article 1: India, that is Bharat, is a Union of States composed of historical, linguistic and cultural communities. Article 2: India is made up of (28) States and (8) Union Territories enumerated in the First Schedule, with Special Provisions for the North-Eastern States and other regions under Article 371. Article 3: India recognises 22 official languages enumerated in the Eighth Schedule and protects the right of every linguistic, cultural and religious community to conserve its distinct identity. Article 4: Powers between the Union and the States are divided in accordance with Schedule VII (Union, State, Concurrent Lists), with residuary powers vesting in the Union under Article 248.”
Exercise 4 — Essay (300 words)
Q4. Imagine that you were to rewrite the provisions regarding federalism. Write an essay (not more than 300 words) making your suggestions about (a) division of powers, (b) distribution of financial resources, (c) methods of resolving inter-State disputes, and (d) appointment of Governors.
Model Essay (around 300 words):
A redesigned Indian federalism should retain the ‘holding-together’ logic but tilt towards genuine partnership. (a) Division of powers — the Concurrent List should be pruned. Subjects that have purely local effects (urban planning, public health, agricultural marketing) should move to the State List. The Union List should focus on truly national subjects (defence, foreign affairs, currency, inter-State infrastructure). Residuary powers under Article 248 may continue with the Centre but Parliament must consult the GST Council on any new tax.
(b) Distribution of financial resources — the State pool of central taxes (under Article 280) should be raised in stages to 50%; cesses and surcharges (which currently bypass the Finance Commission divisible pool) should be capped at 5% of gross tax revenue; the GST compensation mechanism should become permanent, not a five-year transitional arrangement.
(c) Inter-State disputes — replace ad-hoc tribunals with a permanent Inter-State Disputes Resolution Authority (in line with the Punchhi Commission) staffed by retired judges and water experts. The body should issue binding awards within 24 months. Article 263 Inter-State Council should meet at least twice a year.
(d) Appointment of Governors — implement the Sarkaria and Punchhi recommendations. The Governor should be appointed for a fixed five-year term, removable only on proven misconduct. The choice should be made from a panel of three names sent by the Chief Minister to the Prime Minister. A Governor must not have been an active politician of any party in the preceding two years.
Together, these reforms preserve unity while strengthening the constitutional dignity of the States.
Exercise 5 — Basis for forming a State
Q5. Which of the following should be the basis for the formation of a State? Why? (a) Common language, (b) Common economic interests, (c) Common religion, (d) Administrative convenience.
Best basis: a combination of (a) Common language and (d) Administrative convenience.
Indian experience shows that linguistic identity is the most successful organising principle — it gives people a meaningful sense of belonging without threatening national unity. The States Reorganisation Commission of 1953 recommended this, and the 1956 reorganisation was based largely on language. Administrative convenience is also essential — very large units like undivided Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh and Bihar were divided in 2000 partly to make administration manageable.
Why not (c) religion? A federation organised by religion fundamentally violates the secular principle of the Indian Constitution and risks fragmentation along religious lines, exactly the path that led to Partition in 1947.
Why not (b) economic interests alone? Economic boundaries shift over time. Organising States only on economic lines would freeze inequalities or require constant boundary changes.
Exercise 6 — Combining Hindi-speaking States
Q6. Majority of people from the States of north India — Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar — speak Hindi. If all these States are combined to form one State, would it be in tune with the idea of federalism? Give arguments.
No — this would not be in tune with federalism.
Argument 1 — Federalism values diversity, not uniformity: While these States share Hindi, they have distinct dialects (Bhojpuri, Awadhi, Maithili, Marwari), distinct cultures, distinct historical experiences and distinct economic profiles. Federalism is meant to recognise such diversity, not flatten it.
Argument 2 — Administrative impossibility: The combined State would house roughly 500 million people — larger than most countries in the world. No State capital could effectively administer it. Larger States like UP and Bihar were divided in 2000 precisely because they were unmanageable. Combining them would reverse this lesson.
Argument 3 — Distortion of federal balance: One mega-State of this size would dominate the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha, distorting the constitutional balance among States. Smaller States would feel marginalised, fuelling autonomy and even secessionist demands.
Argument 4 — National movement's choice: The framers consciously rejected creating mega-units. Linguistic States were created not to lump every Hindi speaker together but to give every linguistic group meaningful self-government.
Exercise 7 — Four features that strengthen the centre
Q7. List four features of the Indian Constitution that give greater power to the central government than the State government.
Residuary powers with Centre (Article 248): Any subject not in the three Lists falls automatically to Parliament — the opposite of the U.S. arrangement.
Emergency provisions (Articles 352, 356, 360): Power becomes lawfully centralised during emergencies; Parliament can legislate even on State List subjects.
Existence of a State in Parliament's hands (Article 3): Parliament can form a new State, alter the boundary or even change the name of any existing State.
All-India Services (Article 312): IAS, IPS and IFS officers serve the States but are recruited and disciplined by the Union; States cannot remove them.
Bonus features: Single citizenship, a single integrated judiciary, the Governor's role in reserving State Bills under Article 200, and concentration of revenue-rich subjects (customs, corporate tax) on the Union side.
Exercise 8 — Why States are unhappy about Governors
Q8. Why are many States unhappy about the role of the Governor?
States are unhappy with the role of the Governor for several reasons:
(i) The Governor is not elected. The office-holder is appointed by the central government and is not directly accountable to the people of the State. (ii) Many Governors have been retired military officers, civil servants or active politicians. This invites partisanship, especially when the centre and State are run by different parties. (iii) Power to reserve State Bills: Under Article 200 the Governor can reserve a Bill passed by the State Legislature for the assent of the President — effectively allowing the Centre to delay or veto State legislation. (iv) Recommendation of President's Rule: The Governor has the power to recommend the dismissal of the State government and the dissolution of the State Assembly under Article 356. (v) Selective use against opposition States: After 1967, central governments have used the Governor's office to dismiss or destabilise State governments — for example, in Andhra Pradesh and Jammu and Kashmir during the 1980s. (vi) Reform recommendations ignored: Both the Sarkaria Commission (1988) and the Punchhi Commission (2010) recommended non-partisan, fixed-tenure appointments — recommendations that have not yet been fully implemented.
Exercise 9 — When is President's Rule justified?
Q9. President's Rule can be imposed if the State government is not running per the Constitution. Of the listed conditions, which would be a fit case for President's Rule? Give reasons.
The threshold under Article 356 is ‘constitutional breakdown’. Apply that strictly:
(a) Two opposition MLAs killed by criminals; opposition demands dismissal. — Not a fit case. A serious law-and-order failure does not by itself amount to constitutional breakdown. The remedy is to step up policing and to call accountability through the State Assembly.
(b) Rise in kidnapping for ransom and crimes against women. — Not a fit case. Same reasoning — a law-and-order issue requires policy and policing responses, not President's Rule.
(c) Hung Assembly; fear that MLAs may be lured for money. — Not a fit case at the outset. A hung Assembly is a normal democratic outcome. The Governor must invite the largest party/coalition to form a government and seek a floor test. Only if no government can be formed even after all attempts (the principle laid down in S. R. Bommai, 1994) does Article 356 become available.
(d) Different parties at centre and State, bitter opponents. — Definitely not a fit case. Political opposition is a feature of democracy, not a constitutional breakdown.
(e) Over 2,000 people killed in communal riots. — Likely a fit case. Large-scale communal violence on this scale, with the State machinery unable or unwilling to control it, can amount to a breakdown of the State's constitutional duty to protect life and property under Article 355.
(f) State refuses to follow a Supreme Court decision in a water dispute. — A fit case. Wilful and continuing defiance of a Supreme Court order is the clearest possible failure to carry on the government ‘in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution’ — precisely the language of Article 356.
Exercise 10 — Demands for autonomy
Q10. What are the demands raised by States in their quest for greater autonomy?
States have raised four broad kinds of autonomy demand over the decades:
(1) Constitutional/legislative autonomy: Redistribute powers in favour of the States; transfer key subjects from the Union or Concurrent List to the State List. Voiced by Tamil Nadu, Punjab and West Bengal; parties such as DMK, Akali Dal and CPI(M). (2) Financial autonomy: Independent sources of revenue and greater control over resources. The 1977 West Bengal document on the restructuring of centre–State relations is the classic statement; the Tamil Nadu and Punjab autonomy demands also have an implicit financial dimension. (3) Administrative autonomy: States resent the control of the centre over the administrative machinery, especially the All-India Services and the role of the Governor. (4) Cultural and linguistic autonomy: Opposition to the imposition of Hindi (Tamil Nadu, 1960s); demand for advancing the Punjabi language and culture; resistance to the perceived domination of Hindi-speaking areas.
The system has tried to absorb these demands through the linguistic re-organisation of States, asymmetric provisions like Article 371 sub-clauses and the Sixth Schedule, the formal role of the Finance Commission, and (since 2016) the GST Council.
Exercise 11 — Special provisions for some States
Q11. Should some States be governed by special provisions? Does this create resentment among other States? Does this help in forging greater unity among the regions of the country?
Yes, special provisions are justified.
(a) Why they are needed: India is too diverse for a one-size-fits-all federation. The customary land-tenure of the Naga people, the small population of Mizoram, the historical autonomy promised to J&K, the strategic location of Sikkim and the indigenous tribal cultures of Arunachal Pradesh require constitutional recognition. Article 371 sub-clauses (371A, 371F, 371G, 371H), the Sixth Schedule for tribal areas of Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram, and the Fifth Schedule for Scheduled Areas elsewhere all flow from this.
(b) Does it create resentment? Sometimes — especially when other States feel they pay disproportionate fiscal contributions. Resentment is more pronounced when the special provision involves fiscal benefits than when it involves cultural and customary protections.
(c) Does it forge unity? On the whole, yes. When India accommodates difference instead of suppressing it, the affected community is more likely to remain within the Union. The success of post-1956 linguistic re-organisation, the integration of Sikkim through Article 371F, and the durability of Article 371 protections in Nagaland and Mizoram show that asymmetric federalism has been a stabiliser, not a divider. The fact that India has stayed united for over seven decades, while many other federations have fragmented, is partly because of — not in spite of — differential treatment.
7.24 Summary
📚 Chapter 7 in 10 Bullets
Federalism is an institutional mechanism that accommodates two levels of government (national and regional), each autonomous in its own sphere, governed by a written supreme constitution.
India is a holding-together federation — designed with a strong centre to keep a partitioned, continental-sized country united.
Article 1 calls India a “Union of States”, deliberately avoiding the word ‘federation’.
Sardar Patel and V. P. Menon led the integration of 500+ princely states into the Union after 1947.
Article 246 + Schedule VII divide subjects into the Union, State and Concurrent Lists. Article 248 places residuary powers with Parliament.
Federal features: written and rigid Constitution, division of powers, supremacy of the Constitution, independent judiciary, bicameralism.
Unitary tilt: strong centre, single citizenship, single Constitution, All-India Services, Article 356 emergency, Article 248 residuary powers.
Centre–State relations run on three channels — legislative, administrative, financial. The Finance Commission (Article 280) and the GST Council (Article 279A) are the engines of fiscal federalism.
Special provisions: Article 370 (J&K, abrogated by the J&K Reorganisation Act, 2019), Article 371 sub-clauses for the North-East and others, Sixth Schedule for tribal areas.
Conflicts: misuse of Article 356, controversial role of Governors, autonomy demands, border and river-water disputes. The Sarkaria Commission (1988) and Punchhi Commission (2010) recommended structural reforms.
7.25 Key Terms
Federalism
An institutional arrangement with two levels of government, each constitutionally autonomous, governed by a supreme written constitution.
Unitary system
A system where all sovereign powers vest in one central government; sub-units exist only by ordinary law.
Union List
List I of Schedule VII; subjects on which only Parliament can legislate (defence, currency, railways).
State List
List II of Schedule VII; subjects normally for the State Legislature alone (police, agriculture, public health).
Concurrent List
List III of Schedule VII; both Union and State can legislate (education, forests, trade unions). Union law prevails on conflict.
Residuary powers
Power to legislate on matters not in any List; Article 248 vests them in Parliament alone.
Article 356
Empowers the President to impose President's Rule when a State government cannot be carried on in accordance with the Constitution.
Finance Commission
Body under Article 280, appointed every five years to recommend tax devolution and grants to States.
GST Council
Constitutional body under Article 279A (101st Amendment, 2016) that decides GST rates by 3/4 majority — cooperative federalism in practice.
Sarkaria Commission
1983 commission on centre–State relations; report submitted 1988; recommended non-partisan Governors and sparing use of Article 356.
Article 370
Granted special status to Jammu and Kashmir; abrogated by the J&K Reorganisation Act, 2019 (effective 31 October 2019).
Princely states
500+ territories ruled indirectly under treaties with the British Crown; integrated into India after 1947 by Sardar Patel and V. P. Menon.
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Competency-Based Questions — Part 3
Case Study: The State of Imaginia has a hung Assembly after recent elections. The Governor, who was earlier a senior leader of the ruling party at the Centre, refuses to invite the single-largest party to form government. Instead he sends a report to the President recommending President's Rule. The single-largest party, citizens' groups and several opposition parties move the Supreme Court.
Q1. Article 370 of the Indian Constitution, which gave special status to Jammu and Kashmir, was effectively abrogated by:
L1 Remember
(A) The First Amendment of 1951
(B) The Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Act, 2019, with effect from 31 October 2019
(C) The 42nd Constitutional Amendment, 1976
(D) The 101st Constitutional Amendment, 2016
Answer: (B) — Under the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Act, 2019, the State was bifurcated into two Union Territories — Jammu and Kashmir, and Ladakh — with effect from 31 October 2019.
Q2. Apply the Sarkaria Commission's recommendation to the Governor's conduct in the case study above.
L3 Apply
(A) The Governor acted correctly because he is appointed by the Centre
(B) The Governor's conduct violates the Sarkaria principle of non-partisan appointment and the duty to first invite the largest party to seek a floor test
(C) The Governor cannot be questioned in court at all
(D) Article 356 must be imposed without any inquiry
Answer: (B) — The Sarkaria Commission stressed non-partisan appointments and a duty to follow constitutional convention. The S. R. Bommai (1994) judgment further requires a floor test before recommending Article 356. The Governor's recommendation can be examined by the judiciary.
Q3. Evaluate, in about 60 words, whether asymmetric federalism (special provisions for some States) strengthens or weakens national unity.
L5 Evaluate
Model Answer: On balance, asymmetric federalism strengthens national unity. By accommodating the customary laws of Nagaland (Article 371A), the small population of Mizoram (371G), the indigenous cultures of the North-East and the historical autonomy of Sikkim (371F), the Constitution converts potentially separatist demands into accepted constitutional space. India has stayed united partly because it allowed differential treatment, not in spite of it.
HOT Q. Construct a 70-word argument explaining why the post-1990 era of coalition politics is described as a phase of ‘mature federalism’.
L6 Create
Hint: When no single national party dominates the centre, the governing coalition needs regional parties — which gives State concerns institutional weight. Article 356 is used more cautiously after Bommai (1994). The Finance Commission's State share rises (32% → 42%). The GST Council institutionalises bargaining. The judiciary reviews President's Rule. All of these together push centre–State relations from confrontation to genuine partnership.
⚖ Assertion–Reason Questions — Part 3
Options:
(A) Both A and R are true, and R is the correct explanation of A.
(B) Both A and R are true, but R is NOT the correct explanation of A.
(C) A is true, but R is false.
(D) A is false, but R is true.
Assertion (A): President's Rule under Article 356 is meant for routine political disagreements between the centre and a State.
Reason (R): The Sarkaria Commission recommended that Article 356 be used very sparingly and only as a measure of last resort.
Answer: (D) — A is false: Article 356 is meant only for genuine constitutional breakdown, not for political disagreements; routine political conflicts must be settled through democratic processes. R is true: the Sarkaria Commission did recommend extremely sparing use.
Assertion (A): Article 370 continues to grant special status to Jammu and Kashmir as of today.
Reason (R): The Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Act, 2019, came into effect from 31 October 2019, bifurcating the State into two Union Territories.
Answer: (D) — A is false: Article 370 no longer effectively grants special status; the special status under it has ended. R is true: the Reorganisation Act of 2019 took effect on 31 October 2019, creating the Union Territories of J&K and Ladakh.
Assertion (A): The Punchhi Commission (constituted in 2007) recommended a fixed five-year tenure for Governors and removal only for proven misconduct.
Reason (R): Insecure tenure exposes a Governor to political pressure from the central government and undermines the constitutional dignity of the office.
Answer: (A) — Both statements are true, and R is the correct explanation of A. Without security of tenure, a Governor cannot act impartially when the centre and the State are run by different parties — precisely the problem the Punchhi Commission addressed.
💡 Did You Know?
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Class 11 Political Science — Indian Constitution at Work
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