TOPIC 16 OF 23

Self-Employed, Casual, Regular & Informalisation

🎓 Class 11 Economics CBSE Theory Ch 6 — Employment: Growth, Informalisation ⏱ ~25 min
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6.5 Self-Employed, Casual Wage and Regular Salaried Workers

The Worker-Population Ratio tells us how many people work. To learn about the quality of work, NCERT asks us to look at the status with which a worker is placed inside an enterprise. Status reveals the worker's attachment to the job, the authority she has over the work, and her relationship with co-workers.

NCERT illustrates this with three workers from the construction industry — a cement-shop owner, a construction worker, and a civil engineer employed by a construction company. All three contribute to building houses and roads, yet each holds a very different position in the labour market.

🏪
Self-Employed (~58%)
Workers who own and operate an enterprise to earn their livelihood — like the cement-shop owner. They are their own boss; profits and losses are theirs. Self-employment is the major source of livelihood in India.
🧱
Casual Wage Labourer (~20%)
Workers like the construction worker, casually engaged on others' farms or worksites who get a remuneration only for the work done that day. No regular contract; no benefits.
🏢
Regular Salaried Employee (~22%)
Workers like the civil engineer engaged by an enterprise on regular wages — paid monthly, with employment contracts and (often) social-security entitlements.
📘 NCERT Definitions — Three Status Categories
Self-employed: Those who own and operate an enterprise to earn their livelihood. Casual wage labourers: Workers who are casually engaged in others' farms / sites and get remuneration only for the work done. Regular salaried employees: Those engaged by an employer or enterprise and paid wages on a regular basis.

Distribution Across Gender — Chart 6.1

NCERT's Chart 6.1 (Distribution of Employment by Gender) shows that self-employment is a major source of livelihood for both men and women, accounting for more than 50 per cent in each category. For male workers, the split is approximately 54% self-employed, 25% regular salaried and 21% casual. For female workers, the split is far more skewed: about 67% self-employed, 16% regular salaried and 17% casual. Casual wage work is the second-largest category for women — a worrying sign of low job quality.

When it comes to regular salaried jobs, men dominate at about 21 per cent against 16 per cent for women — a gap that NCERT calls "less" but persistent. This means that even when women do work outside the home, they are less likely to find permanent, secure jobs.

Distribution Across Region — Chart 6.2

NCERT's Chart 6.2 (Distribution of Employment by Region) breaks the same numbers between rural and urban India. The contrast is stark: self-employed workers are far more concentrated in rural areas (~65%) than in urban areas (~40%), because most rural households own small plots of land and cultivate independently. In urban areas, both regular wage employment and casual labour are larger because cities house factories, shops and offices that need regular workers.

Chart 6.2 — Distribution of Employment by Region (per cent)
StatusUrban WorkersRural Workers
Self-Employed4065
Regular Salaried Employees4813
Casual Wage Labourers1222

Why this difference? In urban areas, factories, shops and offices need workers on a regular basis. In rural areas, the majority depends on farming on owned land, which is itself a form of self-employment. NCERT also stresses that the most vulnerable group is the casual wage labourer, exposed to seasonal idleness, accidents and abrupt job loss.

Activity 6.4 — Mark (a), (b), (c) Against Each Worker (Work These Out)

NCERT asks: mark (a) self-employed, (b) regular salaried employee or (c) casual wage labourer against each of the eight workers given below.

  • 1. Owner of a saloon — (a) self-employed.
  • 2. Worker in a rice mill paid daily but employed regularly — (b) regular salaried (employed regularly even though wage is daily).
  • 3. Cashier in State Bank of India — (b) regular salaried.
  • 4. Typist in a state-government office on daily wage but paid monthly — (b) regular salaried.
  • 5. A handloom weaver — (a) self-employed.
  • 6. Loading worker in a wholesale vegetable shop — (c) casual wage labourer.
  • 7. Owner of a cold-drinks shop — (a) self-employed.
  • 8. Nurse in a private hospital with monthly salary, working for 5 years — (b) regular salaried.

6.6 Distribution of Workers by Industry — Primary, Secondary, Tertiary

In the course of economic development, labour flows away from agriculture into industry and services. Workers migrate from villages to cities, and at a much later stage even the industrial sector loses share as the service sector enters a period of rapid expansion. NCERT divides all economic activity into eight industrial divisions, then groups them into three sectors:

🌾
Primary Sector
Agriculture (i) + Mining and Quarrying (ii). Direct extraction from nature.
🏭
Secondary Sector
Manufacturing (iii) + Electricity, Gas & Water (iv) + Construction (v). Conversion of raw material to finished goods.
🛍️
Tertiary / Service Sector
Trade (vi) + Transport & Storage (vii) + Services (viii). Services like banking, IT, education, health, entertainment.
Table 6.2 — Distribution of Workforce by Industry, 2023–24 (per cent)
Industrial CategoryRuralUrbanMenWomenTotal
Primary Sector59.86.736.364.446.1
Secondary Sector21.432.428.815.624.1
Tertiary / Service Sector18.860.934.920.029.8
Total100100100100100

The table teaches us four lessons. First, the primary sector remains the main employer of Indians at 46 per cent. Second, the secondary sector employs only about 24 per cent, far less than what was hoped for after seven decades of planning. Third, the service sector employs about 30 per cent, and is rising fastest. Fourth, gender concentration is sharply different — about 64 per cent of women workers are stuck in the primary sector, while only 36 per cent of men are. Men have escaped into secondary and tertiary work; women have not, mainly due to lower mobility and skill access.

In rural India, about 60 per cent of workers depend on agriculture, forestry and fishing; about 21 per cent are in manufacturing/construction/other industry; and about 19 per cent in services. In urban India, agriculture is a tiny employer — about 61 per cent of urban workers are in services, and another third in industry.

6.7 Growth and Changing Structure of Employment — Jobless Growth, Casualisation

NCERT now compares two indicators side-by-side: growth of GDP and growth of employment. The expectation is straightforward — when GDP rises, jobs should rise alongside. But what really happened in India during 1950–2010?

During the period 1950–2010, Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of India grew positively and was higher than the employment growth, although there was always fluctuation in the growth of GDP. During this period, employment grew at the rate of not more than 2 per cent. Maintaining even 2 per cent employment growth in a country as large as India is itself a feat — but the gap between GDP growth and employment growth has steadily widened.

⚠️ NCERT Concept — Jobless Growth
In the late 1990s, employment growth started declining and reached the level of growth that India had in the early stages of planning. This widening gap between GDP growth and employment growth means that in the Indian economy, without generating employment, we have been able to produce more goods and services. Scholars call this phenomenon jobless growth?.
Jobless Growth in India Capital-intensive growth Output rises through machines, automation and IT, not workers. Service-led expansion IT, banking, finance grow fast but absorb skilled workers only. Stagnant manufacturing Factories not expanding fast enough to absorb rural exits. Result: GDP growth ≫ Employment growth — the chronic Indian gap

Trends in Employment Pattern — Table 6.3

NCERT records two parallel trends — sectoral movement and status movement — over five decades.

Table 6.3 — Trends in Employment Pattern, 1972–2024 (in %)
Item1972-7319831993-942011-122017-182023-24
Sector
Primary74.368.66448.946.146.1
Secondary10.911.51624.324.924.1
Services14.816.92026.829.029.8
Total100100100100100100
Status
Self-Employed61.457.354.652.055.658.4
Regular Salaried15.413.813.618.021.121.7
Casual Wage23.228.931.830.023.319.9
Total100100100100100100

Reading the sector rows: in 1972-73, about 74 per cent of the workforce was in the primary sector; by 2023-24, this share has fallen to about 46 per cent. The secondary sector has risen from 11 to 24 per cent, and services from 15 to 30 per cent. NCERT calls this structural change? — a healthy sign of development.

But the status rows tell a more troubling story. Over the five decades from 1972 to 2017, India saw a movement away from self-employment and regular salaried jobs into casual wage work. NCERT calls this process casualisation?. It makes workers highly vulnerable. Looking at the most recent column, however, NCERT highlights a moderate rise in regular salaried employment — from 18 per cent in 2011-12 to 21.7 per cent in 2023-24 — possibly reflecting service-sector formalisation and digitisation of payrolls.

Activity 6.5 — Casualisation, Jobless Growth, Pharma Worker (Work These Out)

NCERT raises three reflective questions: (i) is 2-per-cent employment growth easy for India? (ii) what happens if no extra jobs are created even though output rises? (iii) if a regular pharma worker becomes a daily-wage labourer at higher pay, is that good?

  • 2% growth is hard: India's labour force itself grows by ~1.5–2% a year; just keeping the unemployment rate steady requires creating roughly that many jobs every year — millions of new jobs annually.
  • Jobless growth implications: output rises but new entrants (especially youth) cannot find work; income inequality widens; demand falters because wage-earners are too few; political and social stress grows.
  • Marginal farmer turning into agricultural labourer: short-term cash gain may come at the cost of identity, social standing and long-term security — daily wages disappear in lean seasons, and the worker loses any "asset" base.
  • Pharma worker turning casual: earnings may rise temporarily but provident fund, gratuity, paid leave and healthcare all vanish; one accident or one illness can wipe out years of savings — so casualisation is rarely welcome despite higher cash wages.

6.8 Informalisation of the Indian Workforce

NCERT picks up the formal-informal split from the previous section and asks the harder follow-up: even after 70 years of planning, why has India failed to formalise its workforce?

One of the objectives of development planning since Independence has been to provide a decent livelihood to its people. Industrialisation was expected to absorb surplus farm workers into factories with rising standards of living, as in developed countries. Yet more than half of Indian workers still depend on farming. Economists argue that the quality of employment has actually been deteriorating — even after working for 10–20 years, many workers do not get maternity benefit, provident fund, gratuity or pension. A private-sector worker often earns less than a public-sector worker doing the very same job.

⚠️ Informalisation — The Headline Number
In 2019–20, India had about 535 million workers. Of these, only 59 million were in the formal sector — about 11 per cent. The remaining 89 per cent, or about 476 million workers, were in the informal sector. In 2011–12, the share was even worse — only about 30 million formal workers against 443 million informal. This is the process scholars call informalisation? — pushing more and more workers out of formal-sector protection.

Where gender data is available — for 2011–12 — about 20 per cent of formal-sector workers and 30 per cent of informal-sector workers were women. Women therefore bear a disproportionate share of insecure work.

Box 6.2 — Informalisation in Ahmedabad

📦 NCERT Box 6.2 — Case Study: Ahmedabad's Mill Closures
Ahmedabad once based its prosperity on more than 60 textile mills employing about 1,50,000 workers. Over a century, these workers had earned secure jobs with living wages, social security covering health and old age, and a strong trade union that represented them and ran welfare activities. From the early 1980s, mills across the country began to close. In Mumbai the closure was rapid; in Ahmedabad it was drawn out over 10 years. About 80,000 permanent workers and over 50,000 non-permanent workers lost their jobs and were driven into the informal sector. The city saw economic recession, public disturbances and communal riots. A whole class of workers was thrown back from the middle class into the informal sector — into poverty. Widespread alcoholism and suicides followed; children were withdrawn from school and sent to work.
Source: Renana Jhabvala, Ratna M. Sudarshan and Jeemol Unni (Ed.), Informal Economy at Centre Stage, Sage, 2003.

Since the late 1970s, many developing countries (including India) have started paying attention to enterprises and workers in the informal sector, because employment in the formal sector is not growing. Workers and enterprises in the informal sector face four chronic problems:

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No regular income
Workers are not assured pay even for a fixed week or month — every day's earnings depend on demand.
🚫
No regulation or protection
No labour laws apply meaningfully; workers can be dismissed without compensation.
⚙️
Outdated technology
Tiny enterprises cannot invest in modern equipment; productivity stays low.
🏚️
Slum living, no accounts
Workers live in slums as squatters. Enterprises do not maintain any books, so are invisible to credit and taxation.

Of late, owing to the efforts of the International Labour Organisation (ILO), the Indian government has initiated the modernisation of informal sector enterprises and the provision of social security measures to informal sector workers — schemes like e-Shram registration, Pradhan Mantri Suraksha Bima, Atal Pension Yojana and PM-SYM are part of this push.

Activity 6.6 — Stagnation of Secondary Sector and Rise in Self-Employment (Work These Out)

NCERT asks: how do you understand the stagnation of the secondary sector and the moderate rise in self-employment during 2011–24? Also — why did regular salaried jobs rise moderately in 2017–24?

  • Stagnation of secondary sector: manufacturing growth has been below the planned target of 25% of GDP; capital-intensive technology has displaced labour; small & medium enterprises faced shocks (demonetisation, GST transition, Covid-19); imports of cheap Chinese goods have hurt domestic producers.
  • Rise in self-employment: distress-driven (workers expelled from manufacturing return to family farms or open kirana shops/auto-rickshaws); platform-based gig work (Ola, Uber, Zomato) is technically self-employment.
  • Rise in regular salaried jobs (2017–24): formalisation drives like EPFO/ESIC enforcement, GST registrations, PLFS reclassification of long-employed workers, and growth of organised retail, IT/BPO and platform delivery firms with payroll.
  • Mixed message: the "moderate rise" in regular salaried is welcome but masks rising informal self-employment alongside.

📝 Competency-Based Questions — Status, Sectors & Informalisation

Source-based scenario: NCERT records that in 2023–24, about 58.4% of Indian workers were self-employed, 21.7% were regular salaried, and 19.9% were casual wage labourers. Self-employment is dominant in rural areas (~65%); regular salaried jobs concentrate in urban areas (~48%). The primary sector employs 46.1%, secondary 24.1% and services 29.8%. Women are disproportionately stuck in primary work (64.4%) and casual labour. Despite seventy years of planning, only about 11% of workers are in the formal sector — an "informalisation" of the workforce that scholars link to capital-intensive growth, mill closures (as in Ahmedabad), and stagnant manufacturing.
Q1. The phenomenon by which GDP rises but employment growth slows down or stagnates is called:
L3 Apply
  • (a) Casualisation
  • (b) Feminisation
  • (c) Jobless growth
  • (d) Disguised unemployment
Answer: (c) Jobless growth — NCERT defines this as the situation where the economy produces more goods and services without generating proportionate employment.
Q2. Why does self-employment dominate rural India (~65%) far more than urban India (~40%)?
L4 Analyse
Answer: The majority of rural households own small plots of land and cultivate independently, which counts as self-employment. Urban areas, by contrast, contain factories, shops and offices that need workers on a regular basis; hence regular salaried jobs are larger in cities. Rural non-farm enterprise (kirana, dairy, repair shops) is also typically self-run, reinforcing the rural pattern.
Q3. Evaluate the claim that "casualisation, when accompanied by higher daily wages, is good for workers."
L5 Evaluate
Answer: The claim is too narrow. (i) Higher cash wages today do not compensate for the loss of non-wage benefits — provident fund, gratuity, paid leave, maternity benefit, employer-paid healthcare and pension. (ii) Casual workers are exposed to seasonal idleness, accidents, and arbitrary dismissal without compensation. (iii) Stable income is essential for housing loans, child education and family planning — none possible on irregular daily wages. So casualisation makes workers highly vulnerable, even when nominal earnings rise.
Q4. (HOT) The Ahmedabad textile-mill closures are described in NCERT Box 6.2. Use this case study to construct an argument about the social costs of informalisation.
L6 Create
Answer: Stand: Informalisation imposes social costs that go far beyond lost wages. Evidence from Box 6.2: when 60+ Ahmedabad mills closed over a decade, about 80,000 permanent + 50,000 non-permanent workers were thrown into informal work. The result was not merely lower income but a collapse of the middle class — economic recession, communal riots, alcoholism, suicides, and children pulled out of school to do labour. Lesson: trade unions, social security and "living wages" are not luxuries but the very fabric of social peace; treating them as cost burdens (as in pure capital-intensive growth) destroys the human capital and dignity that take generations to build. Policy must therefore aim at formalisation, not flexibility, especially during industrial restructuring.
🔗 Assertion–Reason Questions — Sectors & Informalisation

Options: (A) Both A & R true, R correctly explains A · (B) Both true, R does not explain A · (C) A true, R false · (D) A false, R true.

Assertion (A): Casual wage labourers are the most vulnerable category among India's three status-groups of workers.
Reason (R): They have no regular contract, no social security and can be dismissed without compensation.
Answer: (A) — Both true and R correctly explains A. NCERT explicitly calls casual wage labourers the most vulnerable group, and lists their lack of regulation and protection as the cause.
Assertion (A): Between 1972-73 and 2023-24, the share of the workforce in the primary sector fell from about 74% to about 46%.
Reason (R): India has experienced jobless growth, so workers were forced to remain in agriculture.
Answer: (B) — Both true but R does not explain A. The fall in the primary share is explained by structural change — labour moving to industry and services as development progresses. Jobless growth is also true (a separate fact about GDP-employment gap) but it does not cause the sectoral shift; if anything, it would have slowed the shift down.
Assertion (A): About 89% of Indian workers are in the informal sector.
Reason (R): Most Indian enterprises are smaller than the 10-worker threshold required to count as a formal-sector establishment; further, the reform process of the early 1990s actually reduced the formal-sector workforce.
Answer: (A) — Both true and R correctly explains A. NCERT records 59 million formal of 535 million workers (≈11%) in 2019–20 and explicitly notes that the reforms of the early 1990s decreased formal-sector employment.
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